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By Kristian Coates Ulrichsen
The storming of the Kuwaiti national assembly building by around one hundred protestors on November 16, 2011 sent shockwaves through a country more accustomed than its regional neighbours to expressions of political opposition.
The dramatic events that night brought to a head months of escalating tensions between an energised opposition and an entrenched prime minister, a nephew of Emir Sabah Al Ahmed Al Jaber Al Sabah. Matters reached their crescendo the following week when tens of thousands of Kuwaitis participated in a rally calling on the embattled prime minister to resign. He did so on November 28, and the Emir appointed a new prime minister on December 4, ahead of fresh elections to the
While the unprecedented display of public anger and assertiveness carries strong overtones of the Arab uprisings that have led to the downfall of regimes elsewhere in the Arab world, the Kuwaiti unrest has specifically Kuwaiti roots. These include flaws in the nature of Kuwait's power-sharing arrangement, which has paralysed political reform and economic development policies for years, and rising anger at issues such as corruption, unemployment, and perceived inequalities within Kuwait. The external context of the Arab Spring has undoubtedly galvanised the popular and political temperature in Kuwait, with the emergence of a vocal youth movement particularly symptomatic of the difficulty of incorporating new players in the political arena.
Kuwaiti politics has always been the distinctive outrider in the Gulf. In a region not known for its democratic openings, the 1962 Constitution laid the basis for quadrennial elections to the
The majority of Kuwaitis thus feel strongly protective about the rights enshrined to them under the Constitution and through the
Another flaw has been the inability of the parliament to work with Sheikh Nasser Mohammed Al Ahmad Al Sabah since he became prime minister in 2006. During his turbulent nearly-six year premiership, he dissolved parliament seven times and called fresh elections three times, in 2006, 2008 and 2009. Successive efforts to find a workable relationship between the parliament and the government merely widened the gap separating them, both in terms of policy and personality. Yet sustained parliamentary pressure kept raising the bar for permissible levels of opposition; in January 2006, the
The months leading up to the outbreak of the Arab Spring were notable for an upsurge in political tensions in Kuwait. A series of incidents occurred in the latter months of 2010 that threatened Kuwait's reputation as the most open society in the region. In November, a prominent writer, Mohammed Abdulqader Al Jassem, was convicted of slandering the prime minister and sentenced to one year in prison, before being released on appeal in January 2011. Just two weeks later, Obeid Al-Wasmi, a
Hence the political temperature was rising even before the outbreak of widespread demonstrations throughout the region. The confluence of opposition demands and repressive responses suggested a tinder box awaiting a spark. Beginning in February, new youth-led movements, one calling themselves the 'Fifth Wall' as a virtual extension of the four city walls that historically had protected Kuwait City from attack, began organising public demonstrations outside the
Beginning in August, allegations began to surface concerning the transfer of 92 million dollars into the bank accounts of two MPs. The investigation then widened as the Kuwait Public Prosecutor announced it was investigating a total of sixteen MPs (more than one-third of the total) for allegedly accepting 350 million dollars in bribes from the government in return for their votes on specific issues. The sheer scale and extent of the scandal shocked Kuwaitis, and led a bloc of 26 opposition MPs to confront the government and demand an interpellation of the prime minister. Their numerical strength would have been sufficient to pass a vote of no confidence that would have unseated him, but instead the constitutional court ruled that he could not be questioned over the corruption issue. This provided the immediate context for the storming of the
While the period of immediate crisis may have passed, Kuwait's turbulent month leaves a number of important issues unresolved. The new prime minister, Sheikh Jaber Al Mubarak Al Sabah, was previously the minister of defense and first deputy prime minister, and unlikely to be a figure acceptable to the emboldened opposition. With the Emir's hand having effectively been forced into replacing Sheikh Nasser, just days after vowing not to bow to protestors' demands, he will not want to be forced into making further concessions. Here the composition of the next parliament will have a say in framing political relations within Kuwait, but core issues, such as the relationship between the prime minister and parliament, do not appear to be on the negotiating table. For their part, the established political opposition faces a challenge of working alongside the newer youth movements that are rewriting the older (unwritten) rules of political engagement. With almost fifty percent of Kuwaitis now under 21 years of age, they lack the memory of the 1990-91 Iraqi occupation that has been such a formative touchstone for their elders. More willing than ever to rock the boat, and drawing encouragement from the images of a youthful generation struggling for their rights across the Arab world, the stage is set for Kuwait's political turmoil to continue, as an important adjunct to (but not a direct derivative of) the Arab Spring.
(Kristian Coates Ulrichsen is the Kuwait Research Fellow and Deputy Director of the Kuwait Programme on Development, Governance and Globalization in the Gulf States at the
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Kuwait: Kuwait's Black Monday | Global Viewpoint