Paul Martin
In the aftermath of the overthrow of the Hosni Mubarak regime, the heavily industrial city of Suez provides a unique glimpse into the real problems
A military officer standing beside a tank in the teeming Arbaeen district of the city stated, "Violence in the Revolution started here, and we are going to make sure it ends here." The Third Army, which has a massive base in the desert about forty kilometres away, is deployed all around the city of a million people situated at the southern tip of the
It was highly unfamiliar territory for an army that has often been a class apart, a cut above the rest of Egyptian society. It is generally well-run, internet-savvy and efficient, offering superb recreational facilities and privileges for its officer class. The Armed Forces run several economic and trading enterprises. Since 1952, when
"We're trained to fight enemies and defend our borders, not solve local squabbles or decide what money to spend on which projects," another officer stated.
Law and order has returned to the streets of Suez, just as in the rest of the country, and while the crucial steel plants and cement factories reduced production during the disturbances, they did not close. Oil-tankers, cargo vessels and some warships traversed the waterway even as protests and violence engulfed the city on several days in late January and early February. In the Arbaeen district the people vented their anger on the hated internal security agencies. A police station and the fire brigade headquarters, controlled in
A local doctor, who is also the Muslim Brotherhood candidate for election in this area, took a break from his surgery for young children and newborns to provide full details of 24 men killed in the violence from
Without the steadying, imposing and impressive army presence, the town would become ungovernable. Seen by most in
During the unrest an aged imam from the Arbaeen area became a symbol for the young revolutionaries, who whisked him off to address the crowd in
Perhaps as a legacy of the Israeli occupation, or perhaps because it is a low-income segment of society, hostility to any foreigners on the streets of Arbaeen is visceral. The mood rapidly turns ugly when a reporter is not being escorted and protected by a soldier. "They assume every foreigner going through here could be a spy. We had an Israeli engineer here recently who lost his tour group, and was nearly lynched," explains an army officer.
Across the Canal lies the Sinai Desert with its oilfields, all returned to
His own villa may be a haven of tranquility, but in the wake of the Revolution there is heavy pressure for
Across the border in Sinai, the tumultuous events in
That said, the recent turn of events also presents a danger to
A new Egyptian regime might feel it should end the restrictions that have made official commercial trade with
Israel is clearly worried that the overthrow of
Nor is it right to assume that the Revolution threatens only pro-Western governments in the region.
In the meantime,
Inside
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Available at Amazon.com:
Aftermath: Following the Bloodshed of America's Wars in the Muslim World
Displacement and Dispossession in the Modern Middle East (The Contemporary Middle East)
The End of History and the Last Man
The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order
The Tragedy of Great Power Politics
The End of the Free Market: Who Wins the War Between States and Corporations?
Running Out of Water: The Looming Crisis and Solutions to Conserve Our Most Precious Resource
Bottled and Sold: The Story Behind Our Obsession with Bottled Water
Water: The Epic Struggle for Wealth, Power, and Civilization
At War with the Weather: Managing Large-Scale Risks in a New Era of Catastrophes
Friendly Fire: Losing Friends and Making Enemies in the Anti-American Century
Dining With al-Qaeda: Three Decades Exploring the Many Worlds of the Middle East
Uprising: Will Emerging Markets Shape or Shake the World Economy
Copyright 2011, Chatham House; Distributed by TRIBUNE MEDIA SERVICES, INC.