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Kent Garber
Bill Kovacs pulled into a Holiday Inn in Fargo, N.D. Kovacs works in Washington, D.C., about 1,300 miles away. He's the top energy lobbyist for the
In North Dakota, Kovacs came in several weeks early for a day and took a plane around with the leader of one of the community business chambers, popping into different towns. He went on local radio, where he stressed the importance of fossil fuels in the state's economy and drummed up publicity for the forum. Hoping to give the event a local flavor, he recruited partners from the Fargo area to serve on a panel. "We weren't there to proselytize," he says of the chamber's role. Nonetheless, he came prepared with "18 or 19 studies" to describe, in his view, the higher energy costs and loss of jobs that would occur if the
Hometown quarrel. Afterward, organizers praised the event as a "monumental success," in part because it generated an "enormous media push," with dozens of articles, news segments, and radio interviews from local sources. The planners were optimistic that the state's two Democratic senators, Byron Dorgan and Kent Conrad, were watching and would reconsider their support for climate legislation. The bill died two months later, drowned out by the presidential campaign.
The chamber staged 11 such events that year, most in swing states, before the economy collapsed and before President Obama gave climate advocates hope that someone would finally take serious action on reducing greenhouse gases. The chamber's strategy, though, was in some ways prescient. Energy and climate legislation passed the House this year but is stuck in the
Nowhere is this clearer today than in Virginia's Fifth District, which covers southern and central parts of the state. Its current representative to
Around the time the House debate started, Perriello's office began seeing attacks from opposition groups. A Washington-based lobbying firm forged letters alleging to be from minority groups in his district, urging him to vote against the bill because of its purported economic impact. "I went on every conservative radio station in my district," says Perriello. "I swung back." Since then, the
But Perriello hasn't changed his position. If anything, his reaction represents the other narrative that has formed around the issue: the response to the
Henry County, located along the Virginia-North Carolina border in Perriello's district, has the state's highest unemployment rate. In Martinsville, a town in the county, more than 20 percent of residents were unemployed in December. This was once prime tobacco country, and then in the 20th century it morphed into a booming textile and furniture manufacturing center. By the late 1990s, however, the local economy had collapsed. Firms shuttered; jobs disappeared.
Perriello sees a pathway for revival in clean energy, and he's making it his job to sell it to his constituents. "I was talking to a dairy farmer who was really concerned," Perriello recalls. "He said, 'What should I tell my son who is 20 about the kind of energy bills he's going to be having?' I said, 'Tell him he's not going to have energy bills--he's going to be selling energy as his second crop on top of dairy.' "
Perriello is showing off what's already happening in his district. There are clean energy projects on the ground, humming away thanks to President Obama's stimulus package, and there are initiatives, such as biofuel refineries, that could be up and running if only there were a little more money to go around. One of the state's largest dairy farmers, for example, is now capturing methane from manure and making electricity from it, enough to power the entire farm. Martinsville, the town with the soaring unemployment, is using
This is, in a way, a battle for hearts and minds in small-town America and swing-state America (Virginia fits both), and all sorts of polling data show who feels what about which policies. There's so much polling material, in fact, that each side can find something that bolsters its case. Meanwhile, the amount of money that is being spent to sway the elected representatives of the dairy farmers and textile workers and other rural residents is mind-boggling. There are now more than four climate lobbyists for every member of
Sharp opposition. But one thing that has remained remarkably consistent over time is that Americans like clean energy. Their firm instinct is to support policies that are good for renewables. And that gives advocates hope. "What we've seen is that the public is with us on renewable energy, on making polluters accountable," says Aimee Christensen, who runs a climate consulting firm in Washington. "So you don't really need to counter on a dollar-for-dollar basis. You just need enough to bolster and support their basic instincts."
Projects like the ones in Perriello's district are creating local excitement. But they've largely been glossed over by the national media. That's an oversight, some say, that opposition groups have been all too eager to exploit. "What's happened is that the financial resources have been spent to undermine the perception of that support," says Christensen. "I think there is a perception-versus-reality problem. The loudness and shrillness of the opposition have obscured the support. That makes members of
The prospects of a climate bill passing the
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Environment - Front Line of the Climate War | Kent Garber