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The Secrecy State
Robert C. Koehler
Under the I-hate-government, let's-drown-it-in-the-bathtub administration of
In our otherwise financially bankrupt society, where we can afford virtually nothing that actually helps people, money is no
object in the Secrecy State. Thus in the name of national security, as
These agencies either expanded their operations vastly or sprang anew from the head of Zeus (I mean Cheney) in the wake of 9/11, when secret government, like torture, bloomed:
"At least 20 percent of the government organizations that exist to fend off terrorist threats were established or refashioned in the wake of 9/11," Priest and Arkin write in their investigative series, which began Sunday in the Post. "Many that existed before the attacks grew to historic proportions as the Bush administration and
Some 854,000 people, according to the article, now hold top-secret security clearances. They generate and re-circulate more data than anybody has the least idea what to do with. The NSA, for instance, intercepts 1.7 billion e-mails, phone calls and other communications every single day. And it's highly debatable, as the writers point out repeatedly, whether we're the least bit safer because of it; indeed, the government's massive harvest of classified data seems to jam the wheels of government more than anything else, burying significant bits of information amid reams of trivia.
The Post does an admirable job detailing the staggering dimensions of the Secrecy State, but I find myself, as I read about it, assaulted with questions the article doesn't take on, beginning, of course, with the legitimacy of "counterterrorism" in the first place, at least as an overweening preoccupation of government. Another term for it is paranoia, and it ain't healthy.
If nothing else, its rationality is deeply flawed. An enormous subdivision of the military-industrial complex -- including, as Arkin told
The imploding intelligence industry -- of which torture is one piece -- is the hidden side of the war on terror (the war to promote terror), and another manifestation, so it strikes me, of our unexamined urge to play God. "Man must be insane," wrote French Renaissance essayist Michel de Montaigne. "He can't make a worm, but he makes gods by the dozens." And in the nation-state we have the ultimate faux-triumph of our lunacy: a stumbling sociopath that is, or strives to be, both all-powerful and all-knowing.
The money we've poured into the intelligence industry in the last decade -- expanding exponentially the worst excesses of the Cold War -- has done more than gum up the wheels of government. It has usurped much of what remained of its legitimacy. The more secrets the government keeps from us, the less it belongs to us. In the Secrecy State, no one extols the value of openness. But a government that isn't open is not a democracy.
What, indeed, are these secrets that only insiders have access to? How much do they concern legitimate, and temporary, matters of national security, and how much do they merely shield unsavory truths about the status quo? How much secrecy, in other words, is of the CYA variety?
Consider, for instance, one of the most high-profile security breaches of recent months: the WikiLeaks release of a classified video showing a U.S. Apache helicopter crew strafing Iraqi civilians on a Baghdad street, killing a dozen, including two
A 22-year-old
But in the larger world beyond the Secrecy State, where words like "democracy" and "conscience" carry more weight than "classified," he's a truth teller and a hero. Without such people, the secret government, the private government, will do nothing but grow.
Available at Amazon.com:
The Disappearing Center: Engaged Citizens, Polarization, and American Democracy
The Virtues of Mendacity: On Lying in Politics
Bush on the Home Front: Domestic Policy Triumphs and Setbacks
The Political Fix: Changing the Game of American Democracy, from the Grassroots to the White House
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The Secrecy State | Politics
(c) 2010 Robert C. Koehler
