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Brett H. McGurk
Recent news that Sunni candidates were banned from upcoming Iraqi elections has focused attention on that vote -- a crucial election for a new government to serve through 2014. During that term, most U.S. forces will deploy home and the Iraqi government will decide the type of relationship it wishes to have with the United States. Will Iraq continue to strengthen ties with the West? Will it retrench inward, fearing hostile neighbors and fickle allies? Or will it lurch East, cementing ties with Tehran? Much is at stake, and the United States will have to maneuver carefully, supporting but not overtly interfering with the vote, cabinet formation, and then a new Iraqi government.
The Current Iraqi Crisis
Iraq is in the middle of a political firestorm after 511 candidates were banned on account of alleged ties to the deposed Ba'ath Party. Recent editorials and op-eds in the
Let's first be clear about what is happening. The decision to ban candidates stems not from Baghdad, but from Tehran, in a move that has become familiar. In the middle of the night and to the surprise of most Iraqis, a decision comes out of nowhere that tilts power toward an Iranian-backed candidate or agenda. Iran has done this repeatedly over the years, especially during negotiations of a Security Agreement in 2008 and a potential referendum on that agreement earlier this year. Iran's hand was also at work in the first half of 2006, when its preferred candidates refused to back down and Iraq went six months without a government.
The obscure committee (the
No Iraqi can retain domestic credibility while appearing to bend to the demands of Washington. Smart power in this instance is quiet power.
Iraqis know they have a problem, and they are working to resolve it. The United States can apply pressure behind closed doors, making clear that an election under these circumstances will not be seen as legitimate by the United States, the UN, or anyone else. The United States can also help develop creative solutions around the sudden decree. But overt pressure will only harden the box Tehran is trying to build around leaders who do not share its agenda. No Iraqi can retain domestic credibility while appearing to bend to the demands of Washington. Smart power in this instance is quiet power.
What Comes Next in Iraq?
Once the latest crisis is resolved, there may be a few more. That is the nature of Iraq. But there will be an election on
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3. Unity of
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Who Will Win in Iraq?
Key questions will be whether the new government represents all the major communities inside Iraq; whether it is able to continue the modernization of Iraq's security forces and infrastructure; and whether it is a friend of the United States. What happens after
Nobody knows. This is what makes the elections so interesting. In the greater Middle East, Iraq is the only place where we have no idea who will be running the government six months from now.
The key question is not so much who will win the election, but how the government will form. The step to watch is nominating the prime minister, which the constitution awards to the "largest parliamentary bloc." In 2006, this was determined to mean the bloc with the most votes in the election, not a post-election bloc, which might form by cobbling together alliances.
Key questions will be whether the new government represents all the major communities inside Iraq; whether it is able to continue the modernization of Iraq's security forces and infrastructure; and whether it is a friend of the United States. What happens after
So who will win the most votes?
The betting money is on the INA or the
The Kurds have a slim chance if the other blocs cancel one another out and suffer from split voting. Such an outcome is not likely--the Kurds remain, at most, 20 percent of Iraq's population--but the Kurds will retain their familiar role as kingmakers. No government can form without them.
It is also unlikely that the other blocs--led by Allawi, Bolani, or a Sunni bloc (Tawafuq)--can compete with the INA or
What to Expect
Government formation will be a protracted and contentious affair, but should with time--months, not weeks--produce a fairly representative government. The UN can help ensure the Iraqis focus on forming a competent government, not resolving every outstanding issue (such as oil and Kirkuk) through horse-trading cabinet seats. Throwing those issues into the mix will hopelessly complicate things.
Spoilers remain al-Qaeda and Iran. The former will likely return to its playbook from 2006 and seek to carry out high-profile attacks. The latter will seek to further the perception that it is the indispensable actor in Iraq--using threats and bribes to ensure candidates emerge to its liking. But Iraq of 2010 is not the Iraq of 2006, and direct interference will carry unintended consequences and a potential backlash.
There is a lesson there, too, for the United States. The United States must be careful not to intrude upon the sense of national sovereignty that began to emerge in Iraq over the past two years. The Iraqis will work much of this out themselves (as they must), and the U.S. should play a supporting role, assisting when asked from behind the scenes, but generally staying out of the ring--lest we bloody our own nose.
Eyes on the Prize
Despite all the mistakes and setbacks since 2003, there is now real potential for Iraq to emerge as a driver of stability in the greater Middle East. Key questions will be whether the new government represents all the major communities inside Iraq; whether it is able to continue the modernization of Iraq's security forces and infrastructure; and whether it is a friend of the United States--able to work with the country as it completes the responsible drawdown of U.S. forces and considers a security partnership to outlast 2011. What happens after
Brett H. McGurk is an international affairs fellow in residence at the
© Council On Foreign Relations. Distributed By Tribune Media Services
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